Russia’s Withdrawal from the INF Treaty

According to Tsygankov (2019), Russia’s withdrawal from the INF treaty was triggered after the US government deployed the Aegis Ashore (a counter ballistic system) in Poland and Romania, both of which are said to have banned cruise missiles. The US president, Donald Trump, announced the intention of the US to withdraw its obligations to the INF agreement in October 2018   if Russia continued to violate the terms of the contract. Based on Tsygankov’s (2019) analysis, the US withdrew from the INF treaty because Russia continued to deploy and test intermediate-range missiles in violation of the agreement.  Back in 2014, the US termed Russia’s act of deployment of SSC-8/9M729 (a ground-launched cruise missile) an act that showed disregard to the INF treaty.

The US withdrawal from the INF treaty came after the MDR (Missile Defense Review) provides a report stating Washington’s priority to ensure the timely detection and destruction of missiles launched against the US. The document emphasizes deference as the US’s resolution in as far as defense from technically sophisticated and significant Russian international ballistics threats is concerned.  The US considers Russia’s efforts to extend its associations with China’s military as an act that aggravates the extended conflict between Russia and the US.  The US intelligence service released a global risk analysis report which described Russia (and its association with China) as a significant threat to America’s interest in January 2019.   This laid the course for the US’s withdrawal from the INF agreement that took place in February 2019.  Addressing the Russian Parliament later that month, Putin stated that he would not hesitate from launching ammunitions against the US if it perceived the country as a threat.  Making a state-of-the-Country announcement, Putin emphasized that his country was willing to evade any confrontations with the US even though he accused Trump of setting up anti-Russian actions and of disregarding Russia’s fundamental interest (Tsygankov, 2019).

Correlation with the Module

The article in focus relates to the module, which provides an account of Russia’s efforts to establish a cultural identity after WWI. The question as to whether Russia is going to maintain efforts to support the continuity of a favorable association with the US has attracted significant attention of late. The two are said to have entered a period of heightened conflict since the ending of the Cold War, one shaped by the abandonment of obligations under the Intermediate-Range Nuclear Forces agreement.  Russia’s dealing with China (on the Southeastern border) can be conceptualized as serving the country’s interest to gain influence over countries that hand intention to affiliate with Western Europe. As per the module, Russia has a long history in trying to extend its impact on Asia and Europe. Initially, Russia maintained its influence over the bordering continents through architectural style as the majority of government buildings emulated the building style of Western Europe. Currently, Russia seems to have joined China’s interest in INF weapons, which has functioned to increase the countries’ influence on Asia. However, the US appears to have received Russia’s recent interactions with China in the bad test, causing a disregard for the INF treaty and significant damage to US-Russia relations.


Tsygankov, A. P. (2019). Russia’s foreign policy: Change and continuity in national identity.



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